Source of book: I own the complete essays of James Baldwin
This is my official choice for Black History Month this year.
Here is the list of Black History Month selections since I
started this blog, and also some related books:
2016: Go
Tell It On The Mountain by James Baldwin
And
Black
Boy (American Hunger) by Richard Wright
Other notable books by African American or African authors:
Poems
by Phillis Wheatley
Zone
One by Colson Whitehead
I
Greet The Dawn (Poems) by Paul Laurence Dunbar
The
Price for Their Pound of Flesh by Daina Ramey Berry
Homegoing
by Yaa Gyasi
The
Fire This Time edited by Jesmyn Ward
Swing
Time by Zadie Smith
Bud,
Not Buddy by Christopher Paul Curtis
Books on Black History by other authors:
The
Slaves’ War by Andrew Ward
Claudette
Colvin: Twice Toward Justice by Phillip Hoose
The
Astonishing Life of Octavian Nothing Vol.1 by M. T. Anderson
Devil In The Grove by Gilbert King
***
Three years ago, I read James Baldwin for the first time:
his semi-autobiographical novel, Go Tell
It On The Mountain. While the depiction of domestic violence and
dysfunction was difficult at times, the book really impressed me with its
psychological perceptiveness and nuanced view of various political and
religious movements.
I had a chance to pick up a collection of Baldwin’s
essays in the Library of America format, so I did. I decided to start at the
beginning, and read the first collection for Black History Month this year.
This collection was fascinating and thought provoking. It is
divided into three sections. The first is essentially critical reviews of books
of movies - specifically, Uncle Tom’s
Cabin, Native Son by Richard
Wright, and the film version of Bizet’s Carmen starring African Americans, Carmen Jones. (My wife had heard of the
last of these despite its obscurity.) The second section looks at the African
American experience in the United
States. The third is about the author’s
experiences in Europe. Preceding all of this
is an introduction entitled “Autobiographical Notes,” which is fantastic.
I’ll look at these roughly in the order they are in the
book. First are a couple of wonderful lines from the introduction. Baldwin really articulates well the unspoken and
unacknowledged role of racism and white supremacy in the very core of our
politics. It is impossible to coherently talk about pretty much any issue in
our current political discussion - particularly the election of The Toupee Who
Shall Not Be Named - without acknowledging the past and its effects on the
present. As Baldwin puts it:
I don’t think that the Negro problem in
America can be even discussed coherently without bearing in mind its context;
its context being the history, traditions, customs, the moral assumptions and
preoccupations of the country; in short the general social fabric. Appearances
to the contrary, no one in America
escapes its effects and everyone in America bears some responsibility
for it. I believe this the more firmly because it is the overwhelming tendency
to speak of this problem as though it were a thing apart.
There is more good stuff about this in the final essay,
which I hope to discuss later in this post. The second quote is fantastic, and
is one I hope to steal.
I love America more than any other country
in the world, and, exactly for this reason, I insist on the right to criticize
her perpetually.
This is a common - and intentional in my opinion -
misunderstanding of those of us who criticize America. We love our country, and
want to see her live up to her ideals, not degrade to our worst instincts and
historical moments. And this is why the Colin Kaepernicks of the world will
always be far truer patriots than the jingoistic gun-toting sorts. To love is
to expect the best, not enable the worst.
I didn’t note any particular quotes from the literary
reviews, but I did want to touch on them. First, Baldwin’s
criticisms of Uncle Tom’s Cabin are
entirely just. He is right that, to reach her audience, she had to make her Negros either exotic (see: Topsy) or all too perfect to
be realistic. As Baldwin notes, they cannot be fully human, with weaknesses
and all, or they would be rejected by Stowe’s white audience. And yes, this
remains a problem in white portrayals of people of color, from the “magical
negro” on down. I won’t get into that further, other than to say that the essay
is worth a read. It isn’t so much a takedown of Stowe as a critique of white
audiences in general.
I can’t say much about Baldwin’s
criticism of Richard Wright’s Native Son,
as I have not yet read that. I thought his autobiographical work, Black Boy (American Hunger) was good.
The takedown (and takedown it was) of Carmen Jones appears to be entirely justified. Heck, so much of
classic Hollywood
has aged extremely badly - particularly on issues of race. I will particularly
note his fantastic riff on why Black Carmen - and particularly the black men
who desire her - cannot be allowed to be truly sexual. After all, that would
get uncomfortably close to the most pernicious stereotypes about African
Americans.
The second section is both intriguing and depressing. Baldwin is not much of an optimist, and is pretty much a
self-admitted misanthrope in many cases. His view of black politicians is
pretty dismal, even as he acknowledges the need for more blacks in politics.
Sadly, so much of what he says seems to be true about today as well. Sigh.
I do want to quote one of his percipient statements, at the
beginning of his description of the hazards of traveling to the deep south -
specifically a horribly botched fundraising campaign involving a friend of his.
It is considered a rather cheerful
axiom that all Americans distrust politicians. (No one takes the further and
less cheerful step of considering just what effect this mutual contempt has on
either the public or the politicians, who have, indeed, very little to do with
one another.)
That’s both depressing and far too true these days as well.
In a later essay, Baldwin
also makes a thoughtful observation about hate. Baldwin
had a vicious, abusive father. In this essay, he mentions that he didn’t want
to see his father on his deathbed. Although he told his mother that the reason
was that he hated his father, he acknowledges in this essay that the real
reason is that he didn’t want to see his father in a condition too pathetic to
hate. Baldwin’s level of self-awareness is
impressive and admirable. But the quote applies beyond just his situation.
I imagine that one of the reasons
people cling to their hates so stubbornly is because they sense, once hate is
gone, that they will be forced to deal with pain.
There is so much truth in this, both on the personal level,
and on the broader societal level, as we endure a season where hate has gained
a renewed vigor.
The final section was, in many ways, my favorite. If that is
the right word. During the Jim Crow era, Europe, particularly Paris, was a bit of a haven for African
Americans. It was a place where they would be treated relatively equally, and
had access to the mainstream of intellectual and social live. But it wasn’t
exactly a utopia, as Baldwin points out. While
one wouldn’t be denied food, shelter, or employment, one was always burdened
with the assumptions that came with being an American. Baldwin also notes that
white supremacy is endemic to Europe too -
that whole colonialist enterprise was founded on the idea of white superiority.
It just manifests differently.
Perhaps the most horrifying essay is the one that tells the
tale of Baldwin’s experience with the French
criminal justice system. So, this fellow American runs into Baldwin, and gets
his help in finding lodging in the same dive hotel in Paris. Unbeknownst to Baldwin,
this guy stole the sheets from his previous lodging. Baldwin
borrows these sheets while he does a protest that he can’t get his own sheets
washed by the hotel. The cops are called, and an identifying mark is noticed,
and Baldwin and his acquaintance end up in a bewildering cycle of bureaucracy
and oppression which keeps them incarcerated for weeks on end on what is the
most petty of thefts. (And Baldwin didn’t even
do anything!) Finally, after an agonizing and seemingly endless series of
hearings, Baldwin manages to get a fellow inmate who is released to go contact
a lawyer friend of Baldwin’s, who gets things dismissed in fairly short order.
The whole episode is a chilling reminder of the challenges - and abuses - faced
by immigrants in our own justice system. Forget not sharing a common language. Baldwin is most horrified by the fact that he can’t read
the culture like he could at home.
Even in the South, he would have been able to kiss the right asses and get out.
But in France,
it is a bewildering mystery. This is why a bristle at those who claim that
immigrants and refugees should somehow be able to master our own system the
first time, without mistakes, and that any mistake should result in
catastrophic consequences. I wish that each of those persons might find
themselves afoul of a justice system they don’t instinctively understand. (Our
own would be good enough - but a foreign one would be even better.) I love Baldwin’s observation on culture:
One had, in short, to come in contact
with an alien culture in order to understand that a culture was not a community
basket-weaving project, nor yet an act of God; was something neither desirable
nor undesirable in itself, being inevitable, being nothing more or less than
the recorded and visible effects on a body of people of the vicissitudes with
which they had been forced to deal.
I am reminded of Abraham Maslow’s amazing quote about
culture:
It is too often not realized that
culture itself is an adaptive tool, one of whose main functions is to make the
physiological emergencies come less and less often.
This is one of the main arguments I have had with people in
the last few years. “Culture” is essentially used as a euphemism for race, of
course, but more than that is the argument that somehow a culture is superior
by definition because it has subjugated other cultures. Rather, cultures and
subcultures are as much driven by circumstances as by choice.
Another essay in this section concerns Baldwin’s
experience in a tiny Swiss village, where he was essentially the first black
person anyone had seen. It is pretty horrifying in many ways, even though it is
predictable as to the human behaviors. One of the best lines in this comes from
Baldwin’s notice of a missionary collection
box - seeking money to “convert the heathen Africans.” As Baldwin contemplates
the irony of “buying” souls as black bodies were bought in the recent past, he
makes an observation about his own father, who was a devout preacher even as he
was abusive to his family.
I tried not to think of these so lately
baptized kinsmen, of the price paid for them, or the peculiar price they
themselves would pay, and said nothing about my own father, who having taken
his own conversion too literally never, at bottom, forgave the white world
(which he described as heathen) for having saddled him with a Christ in whom,
to judge at least from their treatment of him, they themselves no longer
believed.
This is, indeed, the conclusion I myself have come to about
white American Evangelicals. They sure believe in their doctrine, in their
beliefs, and especially in their white nationalist politics - but they sure as
fucking hell do not believe in Jesus Christ. At least not in a way that might
possibly affect their behavior toward their fellow humans.
The final four pages of this essay are some of the best
writing on race I have ever read. Baldwin takes the reader on a tour-de-force of the
history of European chauvinism and the need whites have to remain wilfully
ignorant of their own complicity in harming others. He starts with the idea
that the American dream, of the equality of mankind, runs directly counter to
American behavior. The expansion of equality to include the black man has
caused tremendous cognitive dissonance. Let me quote at length.
[T]o betray a belief is not not by any
means to have put oneself beyond its power; the betrayal of a belief is not the
same thing as ceasing to believe. If this were not so there would be now moral
standards in the world at all. Yet one must recognize that morality is based on
ideas and that all ideas are dangerous - dangerous because ideas can only lead
to action and where the action leads no man can say. And dangerous in this
respect: that confronted with the impossibility of remaining faithful to one’s
beliefs, and the equal impossibility of becoming free of them, one can be
driven to the most inhuman excesses. The ideas on which American beliefs are
not, though Americans often seem to think so, ideas which originated in America. They
came out of Europe. And the establishment of
democracy on the American continent was scarcely as radical a beak with the
past as was the necessity, which Americans faced, of broadening this concept to
include black men.
This was, literally, a hard necessity.
It was impossible, for one thing, for Americans to abandon their beliefs, not
only because these beliefs alone seemed able to justify the sacrifice they had
endured and the blood that they had spilled, but also because these beliefs
afforded them their only bulwark against a moral chaos as absolute as the
physical chaos of the continent it was their destiny to conquer. But in the
situation in which Americans found themselves, these beliefs threatened an idea
which, whether or not one likes to think so, is the very warp and woof of the
heritage of the West, the idea of white supremacy.
Americans have made themselves
notorious by the shrillness and the brutality with which they have insisted on
this idea, but they did not invent it; and it has escaped the world’s notice
that those very excesses of which Americans have been guilty imply a certain,
unprecedented uneasiness over the idea’s life and power, if not, indeed, the
idea’s validity. The idea of white supremacy rests simply on the fact that
white men are the creators of civilization (the present civilization, which is
the only one that matters; all previous civilizations are simply
“contributions” to our own) and are therefore civilization’s guardians and
defenders. Thus it was impossible for Americans to accept the black man as one
of themselves, for to do so was to jeopardize their status as white men. But
not so to accept him was to deny his human reality, his human weight and
complexity, and the strain of denying the overwhelmingly undeniable forced
Americans into rationalizations so fantastic that they approached the
pathological.
Dang. The idea of the pathological rationalizations is even
more true today of white Evangelicals than when Baldwin
wrote it. It goes on:
At the root of the American Negro
problem is the necessity of the American white man to find a way of living with
the Negro in order to be able to live with himself.
Baldwin goes on to note the
history of lynching and segregation - and calls this an insanity which
overtakes white men. Indeed. Baldwin then goes
on to get to a really raw nerve. One which is at the heart of both our toxic
excuse for religion and our equally toxic politics. I have to quote the final
two paragraphs in their entirety, because they are so prophetic in explaining
both our current political moment and indeed the way that white Evangelicalism
has self-destructed over the last few decades.
Yet, if the American Negro has arrived
at his identity by virtue of the absoluteness of his estrangement from his
past, American white men still nourish the illusion that there is some means of
recovering the European innocence, of returning to a state in which black men
do not exist. This is one of the greatest errors Americans can make. The
identity they fought so hard to protect has, by virtue of that battle,
undergone a change: Americans are as unlike any other white people in the world
as it is possible to be. I do not thing, for example, that it is too much to
suggest that the American vision of the world - which allows so little reality,
generally speaking, for any of the darker forces in human life, which tends
until today to paint moral issues in glaring black and white - owes a great
deal to the battle waged by Americans to maintain between themselves and black
men a human separation which could not be bridged. It is only now beginning to
be borne in on us - very faintly, it must be admitted, very slowly, and very
much against our will - that this vision of the world is dangerously
inaccurate, and perfectly useless. For it protects our moral high-mindedness at
the terrible expense of weakening our grasp of reality. People who shut their
eyes to reality simply invite their own destruction, and anyone who insists on
remaining in a state of innocence long after that innocence is dead turns
himself into a monster.
The time has come to realize that the
interracial drama acted out on the American continent has not only created a
new black man, it has created a new white man, too. No road whatever will lead
Americans back to the simplicity of this European village where white men still
have the luxury of looking on me as a stranger. I am not, really, a stranger any
longer for any American alive. One of the things that distinguishes Americans
from other people is that no other people has ever been so deeply involved in
the lives of black men, and vice versa. This fact face, with all its
implications, it can be seen that the history of the American Negro problem is
not merely shameful, it is also something of an achievement. For even when the
worst has been said, it must also be added that the perpetual challenge posed
by this problem was always, somehow, perpetually met. It is precisely this
black-white experience which may prove of indispensable value to us in the
world we face today. This world is white no longer, and it will never be white
again.
I have read and re-read these paragraphs over and over a few
times, because they are so fantastic. Really, the political and cultural moment
we find ourselves in is contained therein. Trump ran on a platform which is
essentially what Baldwin describes as
“European innocence.” That state in which the existence of non-whites can be
denied. MAGA is really - and has always been - “make America white again.” But the world
is no longer white, and it never will be again. These warring ideas play out in
so many ways, from the debate about immigration, to the Black Lives Matter movement,
to our discussion of taxation and public benefits. The undercurrent of white
supremacy has yet to be fully addressed, a full 75 years after Baldwin wrote these words. And it is nowhere as fully
unaddressed as within white Evangelicalism. So many things here apply, from the
naive (or, more likely, malevolent) insistence on a black and white morality
(literally and figuratively), to the pathological denial of reality, to the way
that moral high-mindedness and false innocence turns one into a monster: these
are literally the defining characteristics of white Evangelicalism these days.
This collection of essays is well worth the read. Baldwin, even though he wrote decades ago, seems more
prophetic and relevant than ever. His writing seems, like Jean Sibelius’ music,
to be “cold, clear water” offering that clarity so needed today.