Source of book: I own this
This is one of my official reads
for Black History Month this year. You can read the
whole list here. You can read my
thoughts on Black History Month here.
I have been intentionally reading
black authors this month for the past 16 years, and I have found that the
eloquent voices of African-Americans have had a profound influence on my
thinking. Many of the best writers of this century and the last and the one
before that have indeed been black, and all of us would do well to listen to
them.
I also read black authors
throughout the year, and have included them on my list, because I think it is
important to read broadly and find authors who are all too often
overlooked.
My experience with Martin Luther
King Jr. has been limited to his more famous shorter works - the “I have a
Dream” speech, and the “Letter from a Birmingham Jail,” both of which I have
read to my children as part of their education. I had not, before this, read
any of his full-length books.
Where Do We Go From Here?
is his last book, published soon before he was murdered. It is a truly
outstanding book, eloquent, profound, thoughtful, and concrete. Our world would
be such a better place had his policies been put into full effect.
In the light of the whitelash
embodied in Trump, the book feels more relevant than ever. It also is so
good-hearted and kind-spirited that I think it should serve well as an
inspiration to us white folk who wish to be allies in the cause of anti-racism.
This isn’t an anti-white book, but it is an anti-racism book and a bold call
for true justice.
I took an absolute ton of notes,
so I will be quoting extensively from the book. In many ways, the book says
everything far better than I could. I strongly recommend that everyone should
read it, and take its words to heart.
One thing that repeatedly came to
mind is that this book is a far better writing of practical theology than the
insipid spiritualization crap that white evangelicalism pushes. The Culture
Wars™ were specifically created for racist purposes, of course, but they also
are an intentional distraction from the cause of social justice - aka
Christianity in action in our world.
By distracting well-meaning white
religious people with manufactured panics about sex and culture and change, the
momentum that MLK and other civil rights activists created in white communities
was largely deflected. That is a total shame, but it is also a criminal level
of spiritual malpractice.
If there is an afterlife, most
American clergy are going to have a hell of a lot to answer for.
Because the book was written after
the long-awaited passage of the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act, it
is forward-looking: what comes next? What do we need to do to create a truly
just society? What steps need to be taken to actually create equality, now that
the obvious need to end government-sponsored and tolerated active
discrimination has resulted in legal change?
The answer then and now is “a lot
still needs to be done.” Exploring the facets of the continuing need for change
is the subject of the book.
Within it, MLK starts with the
United States, but expands by the end to the need for global action, and a view
of our world as inherently interconnected and interdependent. The future
thriving of anyone is dependent on the thriving of everyone.
With that, I will jump into the
book, and the many quotes that I felt were necessary to explain its
message.
I’ll start at the beginning, with
his description of the aftermath - the “whitelash” against the passage of civil
rights laws.
One year later, some of the people who had been brutalized in
Selma and who were present at the Capitol ceremonies were leading marchers in
the suburbs of Chicago amid a rain of rocks and bottles, among burning
automobiles, to the thunder of jeering thousands, many of them waving Nazi
flags.
Um, does that sound familiar? In
explaining one reason why all too many white “allies” abandoned the cause, he
explains that for many, they were on board with ending the worst evils, but
were not comfortable with true equality.
But the absence of brutality and unregenerate evil is not the
presence of justice. To stay murder is not the same thing as to ordain
brotherhood.
And this one:
The real cost lies ahead. The stiffening of white resistance
is a recognition of that fact. The discount education given Negroes will in the
future have to be purchased at full price if quality education is to be
realized. Jobs are harder and costlier to create than voting rolls. The
eradication of slums housing millions is complex far beyond integrating buses
and lunch counters.
MLK favorably quotes Hyman
Bookbinder, then the assistant director of the Office of Economic Opportunity,
as to how all of this is to be paid for. Again, this sure seems relevant today,
when marginal tax rates on the obscenely rich are far lower than in MLK’s
time.
“The poor can stop being poor if the rich are willing to
become even richer at a slower rate.”
And, as MLK also points out, civil
unrest is costly. Poverty is costly. A concerted effort to eliminate poverty
would benefit everyone, including the rich.
After going through a list of
areas in which black folk have significant economic disadvantages - jobs,
wages, housing, mortality, unemployment, health care, military service - he
tackles one of the favorite myths white people believe.
Depressed living standards for Negroes are not simply the
consequence of neglect. Nor can they be explained by the myth of the Negro’s
innate incapacities, or by the more sophisticated rationalization of his
acquired infirmities (family disorganization, poor education, etc.). They are a
structural part of the economic system in the United States. Certain industries
and enterprises are based on a supply of low-paid, under-skilled and immobile
nonwhite labor. Hand-assembly factories, hospitals, service industries,
housework, agricultural operations using itinerant labor would suffer economic
trauma, if not disaster, with a rise in wage scales.
This will be a theme throughout
the book. Justice requires equal access to jobs with sufficient wages, and
blaming the poor (and especially poor minorities) for the well-documented lack
of access to these jobs is unfair, and indeed unjust. I’ll mention Albert
Murray’s excellent takedown of this idea as well - that was a past BHM
selection.
A significant factor in the change
in my political views (which in turn drove changes in my religious views), was
educating myself about the realities that people outside my subculture
experience. MLK insists that this education is something that all white
people owe others and themselves.
Whites, it must frankly be said, are not putting in a similar
mass effort to reeducate themselves out of their racial ignorance. It is an
aspect of their sense of superiority that the white people of America believe
they have so little to learn. The reality of substantial investment to assist
Negroes into the twentieth century, adjusting to Negro neighbors and genuine
school integration, is still a nightmare for all too many white
Americans.
There are so many amazing lines
just in this first chapter.
The line of progress is never straight. For a period a
movement may follow a straight line and then it encounters obstacles and the
path bends. It is like curving around a mountain when you are approaching a
city. Often it feels as though you were moving backward, and you lose sight of
your goal; but in fact you are moving ahead, and soon you will see the city
again, closer by.
This is the hope that many of us
cherish during these dark and backward times.
A final victory is an accumulation of many short-term
encounters. To lightly dismiss a success because it does not usher in a
complete order of justice is to fail to comprehend the process of achieving
full victory. It underestimates the value of confrontation and dissolves the
confidence born of a partial victory by which new efforts are powered.
Another thing many of us white
folk, unused to being activists, need to keep in mind. No victory is ever
complete - the struggle for justice is eternal. But that doesn’t mean you don’t
struggle, and celebrate incremental victories.
There is a good passage at the end
of the chapter about the way white people tend to fear “riots” and protest
generally. I have seen this in so many friends and family. There is a visceral
sense of discomfort at other people displaying anger. (Women and minorities are
supposed to be positive at all times, right?) MLK notes that there is actually
a cure for all this.
Social justice and progress are the absolute guarantors of
riot prevention. There is no other answer. Constructive social change will
bring certain tranquility; evasions will merely encourage turmoil.
If the first chapter is a general
look at justice, the second is all about the inner disagreement over “black
power” and the role of different forms of action within the civil rights
movement. Here, MLK asserts his commitment to non-violence, in large part
because he saw violence as counterproductive to the goal.
I think he is correct here. In
fact, the power of the protests against ICE has been in their non-violence,
putting on full display the moral depravity of ICE and its actions.
MLK does not dismiss the impetus
behind the Black Power movement either - he assumes good and understandable
motives, but pushes back on methods. He also notes that the movement itself is
diverse, and many within it share his commitment to nonviolence, and to a
multi-racial movement.
I should have been reminded that disappointment produces
despair and despair produces bitterness, and that the one thing certain about
bitterness is its blindness. Bitterness has not the capacity to make the
distinction between some and all. When some members of the dominant
group, particularly those in power, are racist in attitude and practice,
bitterness accuses the whole group.
This is also a great line:
Like life, racial understanding is not something that we find
but something that we must create. What we find when we enter these mortal
plains is existence; but existence is the raw material out of which all life
must be created. A productive and happy life is not something that you find; it
is something you make. And so the ability of Negroes and whites to work
together, to understand each other, will not be found ready-made; it must be
created by the fact of contact.
I mentioned that this book sure
seems a hell of a lot more Christian than white evangelicalism. Here is a great
line about that, and it expresses my feelings here in the Trump Era
perfectly.
All of this represents disappointment lifted to astronomical
proportions. It is disappointment with timid white moderates who feel that they
can set the timetable for the Negro’s freedom. It is disappointment with a
federal administration that seems to be more concerned about winning an
ill-considered war in Vietnam than about winning the war against poverty here
at home. It is disappointment with white legislators who pass laws on behalf of
Negro rights that they never intended to implement. It is disappointment with
the Christian church that appears to be more white than Christian, and with
many white clergymen who prefer to remain silent behind the security of
stained-glass windows. It is disappointment with some Negro clergymen who are
more concerned about the size of the wheel base on their automobile than about
the quality of their service to the Negro community.
The great trauma of my loss of
religious community nearly a decade ago was the discovery that the core of the
religion was whiteness, not Christ-following, and that white Evangelicals would
gladly forsake even the pretense of Christian values in favor of racial
hatred.
One of the most powerful passages
in this chapter is one about the subordination of slavery. It wasn’t merely
physical subjugation, but the demand of intellectual and moral servitude. He
quotes earlier works on slavery regarding the attitudes that enslavers
attempted to impose on the enslaved - attitudes which still reverberate
today.
What caught my eye the most,
however, were the quotes from enslavers that sounded eerily familiar,
particularly these ones:
“Unconditional submission is the only footing upon which
slavery should be placed.”
And:
“The slave must know that his master is to govern absolutely
and he is to obey implicitly, that he is never, for a moment, to exercise
either his will or judgment in opposition to a positive order.”
Ooof. That’s literally religious
authoritarian parenting there, as taught by the unholy trinity of John
MacArthur, James
Dobson, and Bill Gothard. We children were to show unconditional
submission. And we were never to exercise our own will or judgment. We
were to outsource
our morality and will to our parents.
MLK was a master of the metaphor,
and one of my favorites in this book is his use of the wind. In aviation (as he
points out), winds make a huge difference. The Jet Stream, for example, makes
it quicker to fly east than to fly west - a flight from Europe to North America
takes longer than one the other way. He uses this to encourage activism even
when the winds are unfavorable.
In any social revolution there are times when the tail winds
of triumph and fulfillment favor us, and other times when strong head winds of
disappointment and setbacks beat against us relentlessly. We must not permit
adverse winds to overwhelm us as we journey across life's mighty Atlantic; we
must be sustained by our engines of courage in spite of the winds. This refusal
to be stopped, this “courage to be,” this determination to go on “in spite of”
is the hallmark of any great movement.
In this chapter as well, he speaks
of the need for white allies. For those of us who wish to do good in the world,
and who want our white children to see themselves positively in the story of
history, the way forward is not to whitewash history, as the MAGA movement
seeks to do, but to encourage ourselves and our children to identify with the
white people who have been on the side of justice, of right, of equality.
Within the white majority there exists a substantial group
who cherish democratic principles above privilege and who have demonstrated a
will to fight side by side with the Negro against injustice.
I want to be part of this group
and raise my children to be part of this group. He also notes, though, that
there is another group of potential allies as well: those whose lives would be
better if we eliminated poverty. After all, there are a lot more poor white
people than poor black people, and raising up the poor would benefit them a
hell of a lot.
(This is why the
predator-capitalist class, both the enslavers of the past, and the billionaire
oligarchs of today, are so intent on stirring up racism. If black and white
united against the predator-capitalists, they would be forced out of
existence.)
(This is also a good time to
recommend Dying
of Whiteness, which really shows how people let their racism overpower
their rationality, and in essence kill themselves rather than let minorities
thrive.)
There are several passages where
MLK asserts the interconnectedness of the races in America (and around the
world.) I believe he is spot on here.
In the final analysis the weakness of Black Power is its
failure to see that the black man needs the white man and the white man needs
the black man. However much we may try to romanticize the slogan, there is no
separate black path to power and fulfillment that does not intersect white
paths, and there is no separate white path to power and fulfillment, short of
social disaster, that does not share that power with black aspirations for
freedom and human dignity. We are bound together in a single garment of
destiny. The language, the cultural patterns, the music, the material
prosperity and even the food of America are an amalgam of black and white.
Again, I should recommend Albert
Murray’s wonderful The
Omni-Americans for further discussion of how America isn’t separately
black and white but instead blackandwhitetogether.
Later in the book, MLK talks about
the inescapable reality of a multi-racial America - something we have been
since the first Europeans and Africans set foot here.
But after reflection one has to face some inescapable facts
about the Negro and American life. This is a multiracial nation where all
groups are dependent on each other, whether they want to acknowledge it or not.
In this vast interdependent nation no racial group can retreat to an island
entire of itself.
This is a truth that MAGA refuses
to understand.
When it comes to the issue of
violence, MLK is thoroughly pragmatic.
In violent warfare one must be prepared to face the fact that
there will be casualties by the thousands. Anyone leading a violent rebellion
must be willing to make an honest assessment regarding the possible casualties
to a minority population confronting a well-armed, wealthy majority with a
fanatical right wing that would delight in exterminating thousands of black
men, women and children.
This is to a degree what all of us
humans of good will face right now. The fanatical right wing of our country
would delight in seeing millions of men, women, and children dead. And not
merely brown and black people, but anyone who stands up to them. (See: Renee
Good and “fucking bitch.”)
Which is why, like MLK and the
Civil Rights Movement, our power is not in starting a civil war, but in
revealing the depravity of MAGA and thereby getting a large majority on our
side. Which ICE thugs are certainly helping us with at this time. The history
of revolutions and overthrow of tyranny demonstrate that creating that
overwhelming majority is a key factor in toppling evil.
Nonviolence is power, but it is the right and good use of
power. Constructively it can save the white man as well as the Negro. Racial
segregation is buttressed by such irrational fears as loss of preferred
economic privilege, altered social status, intermarriage and adjustment to new
situations.
He then discusses the antisocial
ways people are stirred up to address the fears in non-constructive ways.
But how futile are all these remedies! Instead of eliminating
fear, they instill deeper and more pathological fears.
And this:
A guilt-ridden white minority fears that if the Negro attains
power, he will without restraint or pity act to revenge the accumulated
injustices and brutality of the years.
Does that sound familiar now? It
sure does. And, I think MLK is right that non-violence is the most effective
way to prove those fears to be mere paranoia.
There is also the central issue
that we cannot kill our way out of hate and racism.
Are we seeking power for power’s sake? Or are we seeking to
make the world and our nation better places to live. If we seek the latter,
violence can never provide the answer. The ultimate weakness of violence is
that it is a descending spiral, begetting the very thing it seeks to destroy.
Instead of diminishing evil, it multiplies it. Through violence you may murder
the liar, but you cannot murder the lie, nor establish the truth. Through
violence you may murder the hater, but you do not murder hate. In fact,
violence only increases hate. So it goes. Returning violence for violence
multiplies violence, adding deeper darkness to a night already devoid of stars.
Darkness cannot drive out darkness: only light can do that. Hate cannot drive
out hate: only love can do that.
Yep, that quote is often used,
sometimes out of context. But it is still in many ways the core of the book and
MLK’s prescription for action.
My favorite part of the idea is
the truth that you cannot kill a lie by killing the liar. This is
actually the big problem with the whole White Christian Nationalist project: it
seeks to eliminate all those who have different points of view - and indeed all
those brown skinned “contaminants” to our supposed national blood. But no
amount of violence against “the other” will make a utopia.
The chapter on racism and the
white backlash - the “whitelash” - is excellent, and unfortunately prescient
about the white response to the Obama presidency - the whitelash embodied by
Trump. The opening is outstanding.
It is time for all of us to tell each other the truth about
who and what have brought the Negro to the condition of deprivation against
which he struggles today. In human relations the truth is hard to come by,
because most groups are deceived about themselves. Rationalization and the
incessant search for scapegoats are the psychological cataracts that blind us
to our individual and collective sins. But the day has passed for bland
euphemisms. He who lives with untruth lives in spiritual slavery. Freedom is
still the bonus we receive for knowing truth. “Ye shall know the truth and the
truth shall set you free.”
He goes on:
It would be neither true nor honest to say that the Negro’s
status is what it is because he is innately inferior or because he is basically
lazy and listless or because he has not sought to lift himself by his own
bootstraps. To find the origins of the Negro problem we must turn to the white
man’s problem.
MLK notes that white America has
always had a disconnect between its outward principles - the equality of
humankind - and its determination to retain privilege and power. Which is why
it has never made a true concerted effort toward righting the historic wrongs
of slavery and segregation - undoing the damage done, making restitution.
Instead, it is a step forward followed by a step back.
The step backward has a new name today. It is called the
“white backlash.” But the white backlash is nothing new. It is the surfacing of
old prejudices, hostilities, and ambivalences that have always been
there.
Again, MLK is quick to note that
white folk are not a unified bunch here. Rather the contrary.
This does not imply that all white Americans are racists -
far from it. Many white people have, through a deep moral compulsion, fought
long and hard for racial justice. Nor does it mean that America has made no
progress in her attempt to cure the body politic of the disease of racism, or
that the dogma of racism has not been considerably modified in recent years.
However, for the good of America, it is necessary to refute the idea that the
dominant ideology in our country even today is freedom and equality while
racism is just an occasional departure from the norm on the part of a few
bigoted extremists.
I think MLK’s definition of racism
is spot on - it gets to the heart of things, and also demonstrates that mere
racial prejudice of the kind more universal, is not the same as the systemic
white supremacy that plagues the United States.
If a man asserts that another man, because of his race, is
not good enough to have a job equal to his, or to eat at a lunch counter next
to him, or to have access to certain hotels, or to attend school with him, he
is by implication affirming that the man does not deserve to exist. He does not
deserve to exist because his existence is corrupt and defective.
You can see this throughout MAGA
and throughout Trump’s rhetoric. Brown people are corrupting us, so we need to
do mass deportations. Jobs should be for white males. Your life sucks because
undeserving brown people have stolen your job, your taxes, your healthcare,
your housing. And on it goes. MLK will explore this in more depth throughout
the chapter. The core idea is one he nails:
Racism is a philosophy based on a contempt for life. It is
the arrogant assertion that one race is the center of value and object of
devotion, before which other races must kneel in submission. It is the absurd
dogma that one race is responsible for all the progress of history and alone
can assure the progress of the future. Racism is total estrangement. It
separates not only bodies but minds and spirits. Inevitably it descends to
inflicting spiritual or physical homicide upon the out-group.
That is so good. Again, it
distills MAGA in a nutshell, from the lies about black accomplishments (which,
like the accomplishments of women have often been stolen by white males) to the
idea that only white males should be in leadership today.
I have mentioned it in other posts
in the past, because it is a recurring truth that every black writer has
proclaimed, but it is worth saying again:
Racism was created to justify
economic exploitation, not the other way around.
It seems to be a fact of life that human beings cannot
continue to do wrong without eventually reaching out for some rationalization
to clothe their acts in the garments of righteousness. And so, with the growth
of slavery, men had to convince themselves that a system which was so economically
profitable was morally justifiable. The attempt to give moral sanction to a
profitable system gave birth to the doctrine of white supremacy.
This then led to an utter
corruption of white religion. Realizing this was a significant factor in my
decision to leave organized religion nine years ago.
The greatest blasphemy of the whole ugly process was that the
white man ended up making God his partner in the exploitation of the Negro.
What greater heresy has religion known? Ethical Christianity vanished and the
moral verve of religion was atrophied. This terrible distortion sullied the
essential nature of Christianity.
There is indeed no greater heresy
than white nationalism. It is from the pit of hell. Realizing that my faith
tradition was in fact based on this was devastating, although not quite as much
so seeing people like my parents, who literally taught me anti-racism, forsake
that faith and instead embrace this filth.
I’ll also make a plug here for
another excellent book, Reconstructing
the Gospel by Jonathan Wilson-Hartgrove.
Later, MLK notes that even
well-intentioned white people have to fight against what is in essence an
emotional difficulty. Our culture has inculcated us into certain ways of
thinking, and led us to take for granted a certain position of perceived
superiority. Even Lincoln struggled with this - but at least he admitted
it.
Morally, Lincoln was for black emancipation, but emotionally,
like most of his white contemporaries, he was for a long time unable to act in
accordance with his conscience.
Next, he examines that myth that
Emancipation was the end of oppression. He illustrates this with the example of
how my own family came to be middle class. Simply setting the enslaved free
without giving them land to farm or jobs to support themselves was just another
form of bondage. What was needed was restitution - making right the
wrong. (We might call this reparations, which as a legal matter, is undeniably
appropriate.)
What greater injustice could society perpetrate? All the
moral voices of the universe, all the codes of sound jurisprudence, would rise
up with condemnation at such an act. Yet this is exactly what America did to
the Negro. In 1863 the Negro was given abstract freedom expressed in luminous
rhetoric. But in an agrarian economy he was given no land to make liberation
concrete. After the war the government granted white settlers, without cost,
millions of acres of land in the West, thus providing America’s new white
peasants from Europe with an economic floor. But at the same time its oldest
peasantry, the Negro, was denied everything but a legal status he could not
use, could not consolidate, could not even defend.
We still owe those enslaved who
built our country just compensation for their labor - and indeed for 150 years
of continued exclusion from the economic mainstream of our nation. It is in the
resistance to this that white racism is most apparent. Notice the hostility to
“DEI” and “Woke” or anything that might seek to improve the status of
marginalized groups. Racism hasn’t gone away, and it is endemic.
To live with the pretense that racism is a doctrine of a very
few is to disarm us in fighting it frontally as scientifically unsound, morally
repugnant and socially destructive.
Brownie points to MLK for using
the Parable of the Prodigal Son here - as an example to white America that it
too can return to its purported values of equality and the common
welfare.
This chapter also has a clarion
call to all of us humans of goodwill (now considered “liberals” in our current
political climate):
When evil men plot, good men must plan. When evil men burn
and bomb, good men must build and bind. When evil men conspire to preserve an
unjust status quo, good men must unite to bring about the birth of a society
undergirded by justice. Nothing can be more detrimental to the health of
America at this time than for liberals to sink into a state of apathy and
indifference.
And also a reminder that “love”
isn’t love at all, if it does not include justice as its core value. (Something
I really wish my parents understood when it comes to family dynamics.)
Love that does not satisfy justice is no love at all. It is
merely a sentimental affection, little more than what one must have for a pet.
He goes on to explain what justice
must look like, and I think this is the other core of the book. Justice has
specific elements in our society, and they are not optional.
The white liberal must affirm that absolute justice for the
Negro simply means, in the Aristotleian sense, that the Negro must have “his
due.” There is nothing abstract about this. It is as concrete as having a good
job, a good education, a decent house, and a share of power.
It isn’t enough for some abstract
“equality of opportunity” - which does not and has never existed in the United
States. What is needed is that floor of basic human needs. To the ones listed,
I would add access to sufficient food and clothing, and healthcare.
In addition to calling out white
liberals, MLK also talks directly to the white church.
Among the forces of white liberalism the church has a special
obligation. It is the voice of moral and spiritual authority on earth. Yet no
one observing the history of the church in America can deny the shameful fact
that it has been an accomplice in structuring racism into the architecture of
American society. The church, by and large, sanctioned slavery and surrounded
it with the halo of moral respectability. It also cast the mangle of its
sanctity over the system of segregation.
It is encouraging to see the
Catholic Church, as well as the mainline denominations - Episcopal particularly
- step up on the side of justice lately. May it continue. White Evangelicalism,
unfortunately, seems to be a completely lost cause.
He ends the chapter with a note
that while legal changes are indeed necessary and helpful, the ultimate change
needs to come internally, in the hearts of men. (And this is where I feel that
much of American white clergy has committed egregious spiritual malpractice
during my lifetime, stirring up demonic impulses rather than exhorting people
to good.)
A vigorous enforcement of civil rights will bring an end to
segregated public facilities, but it cannot bring an end to fears, prejudice,
pride and irrationality, which are the barriers to a truly integrated society.
These dark and demonic responses will be removed only as men are possessed by
the invisible inner law which etches on their hearts the conviction that all
men are brothers and that love is mankind’s most potent weapon for personal and
social transformation. True integration will be achieved by men who are
willingly obedient to unenforceable obligations.
In stark contrast to the
anti-christian rhetoric of all too many white theologians today, who claim that
empathy is sinful, MLK notes that the root of goodness is in fact
empathy.
What is needed today on the part of white America is a
committed altruism which recognizes the truth. True altruism is more than the
capacity to pity; it is the capacity to empathize. Pity is feeling sorry for
someone; empathy is feeling sorry with someone. Empathy is fellow feeling for
the person in need - his pain, agony and burdens.
Pity comes from a place of
superiority and self-righteousness. Empathy recognizes we are all in this
together and the pain of one is the pain of all.
The book then talks more directly
to African Americans. To understand - to truly empathize - one needs to feel
the suffering. MLK lays out the horrors of the slave trade, of slavery, of
segregation. It’s painful but necessary. For this to have a positive result,
however, the horror needs to be faced, and both blame and cure directed
appropriately.
As public awareness of the predicament of the Negro family
increases, there will be danger and opportunity. The opportunity will be to
deal fully rather than haphazardly with the problem as a whole - to see it as a
social catastrophe brought on by long years of brutality and oppression and to
meet it as other disasters are met, with an adequacy of resources. The danger
will be that the problems will be attributed to innate Negro weaknesses and
used to justify further neglect and to rationalize continued oppression.
The most inspiring part of this
chapter to me was MLK’s enthusiasm for diversity. To this end, he encourages
black folk to stop trying to meet white cultural ideals, but to embrace
themselves for who they are.
Whether some men, black and white, realize it or not, black
people are very beautiful. Life’s piano can only produce the melodies of
brotherhood when it is recognized that the black keys are as basic, necessary
and beautiful as the white keys. The Negro, through self-acceptance and
self-appreciation, will one day case white America to see that integration is
not an obstacle, but an opportunity to participate in the beauty of diversity.
Another great insight in this
chapter is that inequality in income has the effect of making honest labor seem
insignificant, when the kinds of jobs that are low wage are usually the most
important ones we can do. Giving dignity - and just compensation - for these
jobs is crucial to a just society.
But no work is insignificant. All labor that uplifts humanity
has dignity and worth and should be pursued with respect for excellence.
He also calls for continued
effort. It has been all too easy for me as a white guy to assume that things
will continue to get better by inertia. In reality, the struggle against evil
and injustice never ends. It must be fought and refought for every generation.
We will be greatly misled if we feel that the problem will
work itself out. Structures of evil do not crumble by passive waiting. If
history teaches anything, it is that evil is recalcitrant and determined, and
never voluntarily relinquishes its hold short of an almost fanatical
resistance. Evil must be attacked by a counteracting persistence, by the
day-to-day assault of the battering rams of justice.
The next chapter, Where are We
Going? takes a look at practical goals and policies, and it really does read
like a road map for a society that is more just for all of us, black,
white, and brown.
One line that stood out is the
observation that parties change. The Republican Party had (at that point)
coasted on “the illustrious ghost of Abraham Lincoln” but had failed to “shrink
the influence of its ultra-right wing.
The book was written before
Nixon’s “Southern Strategy” started the process of making the ultra-right wing
the core of the GOP, a process which became complete with Trump.
He likewise warns against taking
coalitions for granted.
The art of alliance politics is more complex and more
intricate than it is generally pictured. It is easy to put exciting
combinations on paper. It evokes happy memories to recall that our victories in
the past decade were won with a broad coalition of organizations representing a
wide variety of interests.
Instead, it is important to build
coalitions that share the same goals. This is something that the Democratic
Party has forgotten too much lately. There is no point in trying to get the
xenophobic crowd on board. You can never out-Trump Trump. Likewise, pandering
to the transphobes will never end well. The coalition needs to consist of those
who wish to make a more just society for all, not just their tribe. And
those people are enough to win with and to create positive change.
To that end, MLK notes that there
are twice as many impoverished white people as impoverished black people.
Addressing poverty - inequality, jobs, housing, healthcare - should be the
goal, and getting those who are needy of any race on board is necessary.
Up to recently we have proceeded from a premise that poverty
is a consequence of multiple evils: lack of education restricting job
opportunities; poor housing which stultified home life and suppressed
initiative; fragile family relationships which distorted personality
development. The logic of this approach suggested that each of these causes be
attacked one by one.
Instead, he argues that the common
issue in all of these is a lack of income. Full stop. Yes, work on the other
things, but money, while it cannot solve every problem, its lack causes most
problems.
Because of this, he argues for a
universal basic income.
I have come around to this idea,
in no small part because jobs these days are mostly doled out at the whim of
the oligarchs, who are working desperately to replace humans with technology.
Because humans are needed, noisy, and demand things like living wages and
humane work hours. A world in which most “work” is done by machines, and
machines owned by the very few, is not a just world. Thus, maintaining the
funds necessary to live needs to be the priority, not maximizing profits for
the oligarchs.
The last chapter takes the ideas
global. The whole world is interconnected, and any true sense of justice needs
to include the entire planet.
Some years ago a famous novelist died. Among his papers was
found a list of suggested plots for future stories, most prominently
underscored being this one: “A widely separated family inherits a house in
which they have to live together.” This is the great new problem of mankind. We
have inherited a large house, a great “world house” in which we have to live
together - black and white, Easterner and Westerner, Gentile and Jew, Catholic
and Protestant, Muslim and Hindu - a family unduly separated in ideas, culture
and interest, who, because we can never again live apart, must learn somehow to
live with each other in peace.
To illustrate this, he mentions
the story of Rip Van Winkle. The point of the story isn’t that he fell asleep,
but that the world had changed, and he had missed it.
The most striking thing about this story is not that Rip
slept twenty years, but that he slept through a revolution that would alter the
course of human history.
The point for us today?
One of the great liabilities of history is that all too many
people fail to remain away through great periods of social change. Every
society has its protectors of the status quo and its fraternities of the
indifferent who are notorious for sleeping through revolutions. But today our
very survival depends on our ability to stay awake, to adjust to new ideas, to
remain vigilant and to face the challenge of change. The large house in which
we live demands that we transform this worldwide neighborhood into a worldwide
brotherhood. Together we must learn to live as brothers or together we will be
forced to perish as fools.
The term “woke” originated in the
Civil Rights Movement, and MLK uses it here in that sense. We must stay away,
vigilant, and committed to justice. This is why I take it as an honor to be
accused of being “woke.”
Obviously, the bait that Trump and
MAGA dangle is that we do not have to be “woke,” that we do not have to adapt
to a changing world. Everything will go back to the imaginary past, if we just
brutalize enough immigrants and LGBTQ people and force the rest of the world to
kow tow as they should.
But it doesn’t work that way, and
all we do is make things worse by trying to ignore the world as it is. And the
thing is, white supremacy has always worked against our national
interest.
Nothing provides the Communists with a better climate for
expansion and infiltration than the continued alliance of our nation with
racism and exploitation throughout the world. And if we are not diligent in our
determination to root out the last vestiges of racism in our dealings with the
rest of the world, we may soon see the sins of our fathers visited upon ours
and succeeding generations.
This is coming true in our day, as
Trump takes a bulldozer to our country’s reputation and further isolates us. We
are all paying for the racism and hate of MAGA.
I love his call to action, which
actually echoes the words of Alexis de Tocqueville.
The time has come for an all-out war against poverty. The
rich nations must use their vast resources of wealth to develop the
underdeveloped, school the unschooled and feed the unfed. The well-off and the
secure have too often become indifferent and oblivious to the poverty and
deprivation in their midst. The poor in our countries have been shut out of our
minds, and driven from the mainstream of our societies, because we have allowed
them to become invisible. Ultimately a great nation is a compassionate nation.
No individual or nation can be great if it does not have a concern for “the
least of these.”
Preach!
We are all interconnected.
From time immemorial men have lived by the principle that
“self-preservation is the first law of life.” But this is a false assumption. I
would say that other-preservation is the first law of life. IT is the first law
of life precisely because we cannot preserve self without being concerned about
preserving other selves. The universe is so structured that things go awry if
men are not diligent in their cultivation of the other-regarding
dimension.
This goes double for the spiritual
dimension.
Deeply woven into the fiber of our religious tradition is the
conviction that men are made in the image of God, and that they are souls of
infinite metaphysical value. If we accept this as a profound moral fact, we
cannot be content to see men hungry, to see men victimized with ill-health,
when we have the means to help them. In the final analysis, the rich must not
ignore the poor because both rich and poor are tied together. They entered the
same mysterious gateway of human birth, into the same adventure of mortal
life.
This is how I was raised. And how
I still believe. I was also raised to believe in the following:
We must rapidly begin the shift from a “thing”-oriented
society to a “person”-oriented society. When machines and computers, profit
motives and property rights are considered more important than people, the
giant triplets of racism, materialism and militarism are incapable of being
conquered. A civilization can founder as readily in the face of moral and
spiritual bankruptcy as it can through financial bankruptcy.
So relevant today. MLK also notes
that both capitalism and communism suffer from this same moral bankruptcy.
This revolution of values must go beyond traditional
capitalism and communism. We must honestly admit that capitalism has often left
a gulf between superfluous wealth and abject poverty, has created conditions
permitting necessities to be taken from the many to give luxuries to the few,
and has encouraged smallhearted men to become cold and conscienceless so that,
like Dives before Lazarus, they are unmoved by suffering, poverty-stricken
humanity. The profit motive, when it is the sole basis of an economic system,
encourages a cutthroat competition and selfish ambition that inspire men to be
more I-centered than thou-centered. Equally, Communism reduces men to a cog in
the wheel of the state.
True justice doesn’t come from
ideologies on either side, but on a commitment to make sure everyone has what
they need, and none are allowed to become obscenely rich. To that end, slogans
are useless.
The problems we now face must take us beyond slogans for
their solution. In the final analysis, the right-wing slogans on “government
control” and “creeping socialism” are as meaningless and adolescent as the
Chinese Red Guard slogans against “bourgeois revisionism.” An intelligent
approach to the problems of poverty and racism will cause us to see that the
words of the Psalmist - “The earth is the Lord’s and the fullness thereof” -
are still a judgment upon our use and abuse of the wealth and resources with
which we have been endowed.
This is one reason I stopped
discussing politics and religion with my parents even before our estrangement.
It devolved into their recycling the same right-wing slogans as if they were
irrefutable arguments rather than campaign signs. We were never able to
actually address the question of how we keep people from dying of starvation or
disease due to lack of money.
MLK argues that our approach to
communism has been largely futile, because of this. Communism got a foothold
because of a genuine problem. And even worse is calling everyone who disagrees
a Communist. (Hello, Trump administration…) In reality, Communism is a symptom.
Communism is a judgment on our failure to make democracy real
and to follow through on the revolutions that we initiated. Our only hope today
lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a
sometimes hostile world declaring eternal opposition to poverty, racism and
militarism. With this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status
quo and unjust mores and thereby speed the day when “every valley shall be
exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low: and the crooked shall
be made straight and the rough places plain.”
As the chapter - and the book -
come to an end, MLK’s ideas rise to a crescendo of inspiration, a vision of a
possible future that so many of us desire. One hinted at in the apocalyptic
literature of the Bible.
This call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly
concern beyond one’s tribe, race, class and nation is in reality a call for an
all-embracing and unconditional love for all men.
MLK asserts - and I have come to
understand over the last few decades - that this love transcends religious
dogma, political ideology, and tribal affiliation. It is the love Christ taught
- and humans of goodwill around the world have always embraced.
The book has a brief appendix
where MLK discusses some specific issues, such as education and housing. I
thought I might mention a point he makes in the section on employment. In his
view, providing “job training” is misguided. It all too often means training
for jobs that do not exist. (A great example is the Navajo program for training
welders. There are literally only a handful of welding jobs on the reservation.
What is needed are jobs.) MLK asserts that providing jobs first is the
way to go. Training can be done on the job as needed. First employment and
income, then additional training. I agree with this, particularly watching my
children struggle to find employment while in college. There are too few to go
around that work with class schedules and a lack of a car (which is
expensive!)
This book is truly excellent, and
I highly recommend everyone read it. Particularly us white folk. MLK was more
than just a historical figure, he was a true prophet of his time. Which is, of
course, why he was murdered. The defenders of the status quo have always
murdered the prophets.
The book is thoughtful, inspiring,
and shows a path for white people of good will to follow. Stay woke.