Source of book: I own this
Henry Adams was an intriguing character. He was the grandson
of president John Quincy Adams, and seemed destined for a political career. He
eventually decided against this, and pursued a more academic one, working first
as a journalist, then as a Harvard professor (in Medieval Literature, of all
things,) and eventually as a respected historian. His nine volume (!) work on
the Jefferson and Madison administrations is still considered an excellent
work.
His personal life had a few skeletons, and some of his views
have aged better than others, so to speak. His wife suffered from mental
illness, and eventually committed suicide. Since he destroyed most of her
letters, there isn’t much of a consensus on her reasons, although Henry’s
treatment of her appears (from other evidence) to not have been a factor. He
later had an emotional and almost romantic long term relationship with a woman
who had been pressured by her family into marrying a corrupt and drunken
senator more than twice her age. It is easy to see a bit of this senator in the
book, in my opinion.
Adams was a fierce opponent of government corruption, which
is certainly admirable. He appears to have been generally a fair and decent man
in his personal life. However, like others of his time, he was openly
anti-semitic and anti-immigrant. (Particularly those immigrants from places
other than England, which, at the time, was most immigrants…my ancestors from
Germany were suspect.)
Democracy was published anonymously. The publisher
eventually revealed his identity after his death. Although the stigma has faded
a bit now, back in the Victorian Era (and before), the writing of novels was
considered beneath the talents of serious academics. This is a shame, because Democracy
is likely Adams’ most read work today.
The book tells of Mrs. Lightfoot Lee, an attractive and
wealthy 30 year old widow, who moves from New York City to Washington DC to
learn about politics, and find what she believes to be the gem at the center of
the American system of government. Instead, what she finds is a wretched hive
of scum and villainy - naked lust for power, rampant corruption, and an utter
lack of moral principle.
She comes under the influence of a certain Senator
Ratcliffe, who is a rising star in his party, and aspires to become president.
He sees Mrs. Lee’s money as an asset, sure, but more than that, he sees a
devoted wife as a great help in his political career.
The crazy part about his “courtship” is that he is actually
quite open and honest with her about his lack of morals. Instead, he lays out
for her his decisions, and why he made them, and she ends up agreeing that he
took the least-bad alternative. Well, at least from his personal and political point
of view. Others would describe the situations differently. That said, Ratcliffe
isn’t completely wrong. A man who approached politics with pure convictions and
an unwillingness to play the game, compromise, and trade favors wouldn’t last
long in most cases. And for that matter, as the last few years have
demonstrated, the most “principled” ideologues can actually do the most damage
- because they believe that god and morality are on the side of their evil
beliefs, such as racism, xenophobia, social darwinism, and other ideas that
throw vulnerable people under the bus in the name of principle.
This is definitely not to say Ratcliffe is admirable. He
isn’t. His worst crime (as he freely confesses) is rigging an election when he
was governor of Illinois. This is slipped pretty casually into a conversation,
and it somehow doesn’t completely register with Mrs. Lee. Which is why, when
she uncovers evidence of blatant bribery, his only effective return blow is to
point out that this (relatively) harmless instance of bribery was nothing
compared to disenfranchising millions of people. (Hmm, this suggests precisely
why the GOP’s current strategy to defeat their, um, demographic challenge is
such an issue…)
Although Mrs. Lee and Mr. Ratcliffe are the central
characters in the book, there are a panoply of other memorable and colorful
sorts. The ancient ambassador from Italy, who bemoans both his loss of virility
and the fact that dueling is no longer permitted. The jaded and sarcastic
English ambassador, who has to figure out how to save a diplomatic dinner party
from disaster after a princess and the president’s wife take an instant hatred
to each other. The Washington gossip corps, and their rumor-mongering. Mrs.
Lee’s younger and less sophisticated sister, who nonetheless has more common
sense and emotional intelligence. Mr. Carrington, a lawyer with an impoverished
family, who tries to live up to his principles while caught in the machine as a
small, inconvenient person. And, of course, the President and his wife, who are
imaginary, but fit the mold of vulgar, dull, and ambitious sorts with no clue
what they are doing. (Also fits the present a bit too much - although the book
characters aren’t narcissists.)
The characters are based loosely on actual people, but they
are often composites. For example, many have identified Ratcliffe with James
Blaine. And it sort of fits with the political intrigue. But it fits as well
with the personal details of J. Donald Cameron, the husband of Adams’ paramour
- and it would have fit even better had Mrs. Lee actually married
Ratcliffe.
Democracy may have been written a hundred and forty
years ago, but it works well as an indictment of our current age. Humans are,
after all, still humans. Politics is politics, and democracy is the worst form
of government...except for every other form which has been tried. The problems
are to a degree predictable. As this novel was written in the Gilded Age,
many of the same problems plague politics in our new gilded age: the influence
of powerful corporations, the drowning of principle in money, the crushingly
expensive elections, and the identification of personal or party success as
synonymous with the good of the country at large.
But there is more. Here are the quotes which stood out to me
the most.
This one comes near the beginning, and is both an indication
of Mrs. Lee’s naivete and a razor-sharp putdown of politicians:
But, in truth, her notion of legislative bodies was vague,
floating between her experience at church and at the opera, so that the idea of
a performance of some kind was never out of her head. To her mind, the Senate
was a place where people went to recite speeches, and she naively assumed that
the speeches were useful and had a purpose, but as they did not interest her
she never went again. This is a very common conception of Congress; many
Congressmen share it.
Another bit of rapier wit is directed against
Ratcliffe, as an explanation given by Carrington as to why the senator was once
an abolitionist, but wouldn’t take a controversial position now:
“He is older, more experienced, and not so wise.”
Alas, this expresses my own sentiments about the
conservative Baby Boomers in my family and acquaintance. I feel very much like
they have betrayed the values they raised me with in favor of partisan politics
and reactionary ideas. They are older indeed, and indeed more experienced. But
far, far less wise than they perhaps once were. (Or at least as I thought
them.)
How about this bit about the British Minister, Lord Skye,
and Senators?
A certain secret jealousy of the British Minister is always
lurking in the breast of every American Senator, if he is truly democratic; for
democracy, rightly understood, is the government of the people, by the people,
for the benefit of Senators, and there is always a danger that the British
Minister may not understand this political principle as he should.
Adams also skewers the elitist and condescending sort of
congressman, more educated than wise, and all too eager to display both
facts.
He had reform principles and an unfortunately conceited
manner; he was rather wealthy, rather clever, rather well-educated, rather
honest, and rather vulgar.
Not that Adams spares the insufficiently educated, however.
Ratcliffe is pushed around by the Italian, Count Orsoni, who says witty things
in French to Mrs. Lee, which Ratcliffe cannot understand. One particularly
funny bit occurs when Ratcliffe confuses Moliere and
Voltaire. The thought of Moliere having “unfortunate influence...on the
religious opinions of his time” is actually pretty funny. Like Tartuffe.
Much less funny, but more chilling, is Adams’ description of
how men like Ratcliffe view morality and politics.
The beauty of his work consisted in the skill with which he
evaded questions of principle. As he wisely said, the issue now involved was
not one of principle but of power. The fate of that noble party to which they
all belonged, and which had a record that could never be forgotten, depended on
their letting principle alone. Their principle must be the want of
principles.
It was impossible for me not to think of a certain current
Senate leader in this connection, for whom power and party have crushed all
principle. But, as I noticed later in the book, the issue isn’t just with him:
it is with the voters of said party, who have openly abandoned the principles
they taught me, as soon as power and party - and white supremacy - were in
view.
The political satire has held up well to time, as I noted.
Along with the politics, however, comes a good deal of social satire, which is
more of its time. In my view, that is a feature, not a bug, as I rather enjoy
the novel of manners
and the quaint customs of times gone by. And, as far as that goes, I find that
sometimes outdated customs shed light on our own. Take, for example, this
delightful bit about the visit of European royalty.
In the middle of April a sudden social excitement started the
indolent city of Washington to its feet. The Grand-Duke and Duchess of
Saxe-Baden-Hombourg arrived in America on a tour of pleasure, and in due course
came on to pay their respects to the Chief Magistrate of the Union. The
newspapers hastened to inform their readers that the Grand-Duchess was a royal
princess of England, and, in the want of any other social event, everyone who
had any sense of what was due to his or her own dignity, hastened to show this
august couple the respect which all republicans who have a large income derived
from business, feel for English Royalty.
Yep, I laughed out loud at this one. Things haven’t exactly
changed. I confess to an utter failure to understand the appeal of the English
royals to American tastes. Okay, except for Queen Elizabeth II, because she is
basically a badass old lady, and I have a soft spot for them. But Charles? Oh
god no. Can he and the rest of the Windsor males just go away already?
Here is another witty remark regarding male-female
relationships among a certain social class; one I think is rather apropos today
as well.
She [Mrs. Lee] regarded men as creatures made for women to
dispose of, and capable of being transferred like checks, or baggage-labels,
from one woman to another, as desired. The only condition was that he should
first be completely disabused of the notion that he could dispose of
himself.
While not exactly characteristic of women in general,
I can say that I am familiarly acquainted with women of this sort, and of
situations such as these.
On the flip side of this are men who, like Ratcliffe, have a
similar difficulty of understanding and accounting for the feelings of the
members of the opposite sex in question.
Did he seriously suppose that she, who was bored to death by
New York, and had been able to find no permanent pleasure in Europe, would live
quietly in the romantic village of Peonia? If not, did Mr. Ratcliffe imagine
that they could find happiness in the enjoyment of each other’s society, and of
Mrs. Lee’s income, in the excitements of Washington? In the ardour of his
pursuit, Mr. Ratcliffe had accepted in advance any conditions which Mrs. Lee
might impose, but if he really imagined that happiness and content lay on the
purple rim of this sunset, he had more confidence in women and in money than a
wider experience was every likely to justify.
That last line is just fantastic. I love it more every time
I read it. There are plenty more witticisms in this vein in the book - Adams
was a sharp observer with a good command of language.
There are two political observations which I think are worth
closing this post with. The first actually comes near the end of the book,
during the final denouement between Ratcliffe and Mrs. Lee. Ratcliffe
basically grabs a shovel and starts digging his own grave. But, in a certain
way, it is an accurate defense of his politics. They may be morally appalling,
but they make sense from a certain worldview.
“Mrs. Lee...there are conflicting duties in all the
transactions of life, except the simplest. However we may act, do we what we
may, we must violate some moral obligation. All that can be asked of us is that
we should guide ourselves by what we think the highest. At the time this affair
occurred, I was a Senator of the United States. I was also a trusted member of
a great political party, which I looked upon as identical with the nation.”
I swear, this was the most common defense I heard in the
aftermath of the 2016 election, by people who voted for the Ku Klux Klan in the
form of Donald J. Trump. The idea of voting for the other party - or neither -
was unthinkable, because the party was identical with the nation. Never mind
throwing the majority of Americans under the bus, and causing hardship to many.
Party above principle. Party above human decency. Party. Party. (And white
supremacy, yo.)
And guess what? Like Ratcliffe, you sell your soul. You sell
out your principles and values, and those of us raised on those values are left
wondering what the fucking hell happened. As Adams tells the tale, what
happened was a gradual destruction of morality by the reality of politics - and
particularly with loyalty to party and power over principle. And sure, politics
is messy. But as a human being, with allegedly strong religious principles, it
is sad to see those co opted by rank partisanship, until every value is now its
opposite.
Perhaps the best line in rebuttal, though, is delivered by
Mr. Gore, a rather minor character, but one who represents a progressive and
practical viewpoint - one that I am inclined to share.
“But since you ask for my political creed, you shall have it.
I only condition that it shall be for you alone, never to be repeated or quoted
as mine. I believe in democracy. I accept it. I will faithfully serve and
defend it. I believe in it because it appears to me the inevitable consequence
of what has gone before it. Democracy asserts the fact that the masses are now
raised to a higher intelligence than formerly. All our civilization aims at
this mark. We want to do what we can to help it. I myself want to see the
result. I grant it is an experiment, but it is only the direction society can
take that is worth its taking; the only conception of its duty large enough to
satisfy its instincts; the only result that is worth an effort or a risk. Every
other possible step is backward, and I do not care to repeat the past. I am
glad to see society grapple with issues in which no one can afford to be
neutral.”
This basic sentiment would be repeated by others, including
Winston Churchill, over the ensuing century and a half. Democracy is messy,
imperfect, maddening, corrupt, and all the other things that have been said
about it. Churchill himself would also say that the best argument against
democracy was five minutes spent talking to the average voter. But, on average,
it is, amazingly enough, better than the other options.
In the end, Henry Adams seems to have come to the same
conclusion, even while despairing of the state of politics in his time. And,
for that matter, it is difficult to blame him. He wrote during the height of
the Gilded Age, when government jobs were dispensed according to the Spoils
System - it wouldn’t be until the most unlikely person ever,
Chester Arthur, signed the first Civil Service laws that this changed. Indeed,
there is hope that people of good will can make positive changes in politics, even
if the battle is never-ending. From the Civil Rights Movement to the Sufferage
movement to the rise of unions and labor laws to the creation of the social
safety net - things can be changed. The corrupt and pragmatic Ratcliffes of the
world don’t always win - but are often remembered for the scoundrels they
are.
Democracy isn’t a particularly well known book these
days, which is a real shame. It is a worthwhile read which sheds a lot of
well-deserved light on the rot at the heart of money-driven politics, as well
as the partisan foolishness which drives ignorant and prejudiced voters to
support it.
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